Archive for the ‘Agriculture’ Category

Food in History

Monday, July 26th, 2010

From Reay Tannahill’s Food in History:

It is impossible to know when human beings first began to dig for their food as well as gathering surface plants, but in Europe the wild ancestors of turnips, onions and radishes were used in prehistoric times, and what we now think of as flower bulbs may also have played a part in the diet. (p. 11)

There is little doubt that, from the millennia of gathering vegetables and fruits, women had discovered that it was sometimes possible to exert an active influence on plant growth. Given the right time of year and a modicum of good luck, an undersized turnip or radish put back into the ground would continue to swell; a single clove of garlic or a shallot would multiply into a cluster. (p. 17)

[From 9000 to 7000 BC, by] almost imperceptible stages, gathering developed into cultivating. The villagers discovered after a while that if they were too efficient at harvesting the wild grain, the following year’s crop would be drastically reduced. Then they learned to leave some of the ears on the stalks, with better but patchy results. When they took the next logical step and vegan to scatter some of the their carefully collected seeds evenly, by hand, over the soil, they ceased to be gatherers and became farmers. (p. 21)

Even before the glaciers retreated from Europe, [man] had begun to come to terms with the reindeer. Feeding on the mosses and ferns that flourished on land watered by melting ice, the reindeer suffered from salt deficiency and instinctively compensated for it by making periodic excursions either to the seashore or to inland salt licks; even a sprinkling of human urine helped to satisfy its need. Men, using this readily available substance as bait, began to entice the reindeer to the vicinity of their caves and even began building up the interdependence that was to play such a vital role in the subsequent domestication of animals. (p. 17)

What I’m thinking of there, of course, is about Siberian shamans supposedly observing reindeer eating amanita muscaria mushrooms and getting high from it; and experiencing the same effect just by licking up or drinking their (reindeers’, and shamans’) own urine, which contains enough of the unmetabolized hallucinogens to still trip off of it. (Plus, amanita tea—made just by steeping the mushroom caps in water—has a medium-yellow color strikingly similar to that of urine.)

[B]y late Neolithic times it was usually the creation myth (a magical explanation of the making of earth and heaven, people, beasts and birds) that preoccupied the hunting peoples and herdsmen, and the resurrection myth (explaining the annual death and rebirth of the soil) that obsessed agriculturalists as they waited for the barren ground to spring to life again. The fertility myth, subsidiary to both, could be accommodated in either.

The resurrection myth appeared in its basic form in the mythology of the predominantly agricultural Sumerians (c. 3500 BC). Inanna, goddess of love and war, set off to conquer the nether regions; while she was away the land remained infertile, but when, after many adventures, she returned to earth, everything came to life again.

[footnote: With regional variations, the same tale of human dependence on a semi-mortal god appears throughout most of the early world. In Egypt the god Osiris died and was resurrected; in Canaan Baal was below ground for seven full years during which drought and pestilence reigned on earth; in Greece Persephone spent six months out of every twelve in the underworld. Even in the Jesus of the New Testament, dead and then resurrected, echoed the early farmer's need to know that seeming death was not the end, either for nature of mankind.]

During the last 3000 years BC, however, the whole area from Sumer (under its more familiar name of Babylon) to north-west India was subject to a series of invasions by the nomad pastoralists of Central Asia. The gods of the nomads were very different from those of the settled agricultural people—positive and dynamic, gods who did things, creators gods, not saviors. As the invaders settled down and achieved a modus vivendi with their new subjects, so too did their gods, making a place for themselves in the agriculturalists’ pantheon and forcing a merger between the resurrection and creation myths.

Even so, the pastoralists’ Bull of heaven … was to sustain an independent role in many mythologies for thousands of years. Sometimes the role was half-playful, a cover for the amorous energies of Zeus. Sometimes it was symbolic, as in the Zoroastrian creed of Persia, where the original war between good and evil, light and darkness, was fought between cattle and wolves. (p. 33-5)

It is often said that the common Near Eastern prohibition on pork—in the Jewish and Muslim religions, for example—had its origins in medical doctrine, and certainly, pork can be a dangerous meat in a hot climate, which may well have been taken into account when dietary regulations were being formatuled.

But although the peoples of the Near East … must have known this for something like 5000 years, pork did not become taboo until after 1800 BC. The precise date is still debatable, but there is a clear correlation between the emergence of the taboo on pork and the arrival of the tribes of nomadic invaders who swept or drifted across great areas of eastern Europe and western Asia in the second millennium BC. These tribes, accustomed to sheep and cattle, seem to have had an almost pathological hatred for the pig—a wayward beast with little stamina, a constitutional objection to being herded and a tiresome inability to live on grass.

The Indo-European nomads disseminated much that was new throughout the lands they invaded and sometimes (if briefly) ruled, and one of their legacies was an institutionalized rejection of pork. (p. 54)

Mosaic law [was] designed to reunite [the Hebrews] by spelling out how they differed form the other peoples of their world and strengthening the single great bond that bound them—their worship of, and dependence on, Yahweh. (p. 55)

Biblio: Tannahill, Reay (1989 [1973]), Food in History (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc.).

Growing Plants

Thursday, June 25th, 2009

From C. R. Hallpike’s How We Got Here: From Bows and Arrows to the Space Age (p. 54-5):

Hunter-gatherers have a very extensive knowledge of the plants in their environment, and modern anthropological studies show that they are aware of how to grow them, even though they may not choose to do so….

There are many reasons why people might want to experiment with growing plants, apart from wanting to eat them, such as maintaining useful plants in convenient locations, or encouraging the growth of species that were particularly desired such as fish poisons or gourds…. Knowing how to grow food plants was simply part of this general botanical knowledge, and the idea that agriculture was an intellectual “discovery” is therefore quite wrong. It no longer needs genius to explain it, then, and was instead the novel application of long familiar knowledge about plants in general.

This being so, agriculture is much more likely to have developed independently in many different places, rather than been diffused from a single point of origin.

Planting Sticks

Sunday, June 14th, 2009

Early agrarian societies universally used a “planting stick” in sowing their crops—just a long, straight branch, used to scratch a furrow into the ground for the seed, and then cover it back up with earth.

Any teenage boy would recognize the phallic nature of such a stick, particularly when it was coupled with a literal impregnation-of-the-earth process. But that stick is also the same general shape as the shaman’s pole, providing a natural vehicle to bring forward the shamanistic (hunter-gatherer) mythologies into a later, agrarian religion. (There’s a common motif in shamanistic ritual, of climbing a pole to reach the Center of the Universe.)

What’s the first lesson that agrarian societies learn? They learn that, if they eat all their seed stock over the winter, they’ll have nothing to plant next year. (Comparably, attempts to convert contemporary hunter-gatherers into nomadic herders frequently fail when the “herders,” having no experience with delayed gratification, eat all their goats before they’ve had a chance to reproduce at replacement level.) Even if they’re literally starving during the winter, they have to leave some food/seed for planting next spring.

That’s a situation which teaches a lot of self-denial in the present, for a future reward. But it’s also a situation where what is being denied (the seed/food) has not only a phallic/sexual association (by the shape of the planting stick) but religious associations also (per the shaman’s pole, and its path to the heavens where dwell the ancestors’ souls, etc.).

So how would you expect that to translate into early-agrarian religion, e.g., the second-millennium B.C. fertility myths that form the origins of Christianity? Is not conserving seed over the winters, to grow it in the following summer via the use of the planting stick, intriguingly similar in structure (and so establishing a “causal” connection in sympathetic-magical thinking) to conserving the male seed, in celibacy, for a future “spiritual harvest”?

Consider: Kundalini yoga “works” by raising that energy from the base of the spine, up the cerebrospinal “pole,” to the bindu/point in the center of the brain—the human head being the “center of the world” (thus sympathetic-magically connected with the North/Pole Star as the comparable center of the heavens) through which we experience its sights, sounds, smells, and tastes. Kriya yoga actually explicitly involves a visualization of one’s subtle energies alternately ascending and then descending the astral spine.

The mental climbing and descending of that spinal pole is a clear internalization of earlier shamanic ritual activities, into the “internal ritual” called meditation. And along with all of the other associations of ecstatic kundalini-raising as being “internalized sex with the Goddess,” it’s hardly surprising to find it emphasizing a conservation of the seed at the base of the “planting stick” of the spine.

That ecstasy, by the way, really probably does come down to just a self-stimulation of one’s pleasure centers and other regions of the brain, in a way every bit as physical as when Robert Heath’s injection of the neurotransmitter acetylcholine into a woman’s (septal region) brain caused her to experience multiple orgasms.